Dead in the White House 1993. Shooting of the White House and a complete list of the dead

What happened in Moscow 25 years ago.

25 years ago, opponents of President Boris Yeltsin took to the streets to seize the White House. This developed into a bloody confrontation between soldiers and oppositionists, and the result of the events of October 3-4 was a new government and a new Constitution.

1. October 1993 coup. Brief description of what happened

   On October 3-4, 1993, the October Putsch occurred - this is when the White House was shot, the Ostankino television center was captured, and tanks drove through the streets of Moscow. All this happened because of Yeltsin’s conflict with Vice President Alexander Rutsky and Chairman of the Supreme Council Ruslan Khasbulatov. Yeltsin won, the vice president was removed, and the Supreme Council was dissolved.

2. In 1992, Boris Yeltsin nominated Yegor Gaidar, who by that time was actively pursuing economic reforms, for the post of Chairman of the Government. However, the Supreme Council harshly criticized Gaidar's activities due to the high level of poverty and astronomical prices and chose Viktor Chernomyrdin as the new Chairman. In response, Yeltsin harshly criticized the deputies.

   Boris Yeltsin and Ruslan Khasbulatov in 1991

3. Yeltsin suspended the Constitution, although it was illegal

   On March 20, 1993, Yeltsin announced the suspension of the Constitution and the introduction of a “special procedure for governing the country.” Three days later, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation declared Yeltsin’s actions unconstitutional and grounds for the president’s removal from office.

   On March 28, 617 deputies voted in favor of impeaching the president, with the required 689 votes. Yeltsin remained in power.

   On April 25, at a national referendum, the majority supported the president and the government and spoke in favor of holding early elections of people's deputies. On May 1, the first clashes between riot police and opponents of the president took place.

4. What is Decree No. 1400 and how did it aggravate the situation?

   On September 21, 1993, Yeltsin signed decree No. 1400 on the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council, although he did not have the right to do so. In response, the Supreme Council stated that this decree was contrary to the Constitution, therefore it would not be executed and Yeltsin would be deprived of his presidential powers. Yeltsin was supported by the Ministry of Defense and security forces.

   In the following weeks, members of the Supreme Council, people's deputies and Deputy Prime Minister Rutsky were virtually locked in the White House, where communications, electricity and water were cut off. The building was cordoned off by police and military personnel. The White House was guarded by opposition volunteers.

   X Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies in the White House, where electricity and water are turned off

5. Assault on Ostankino

   On October 3, supporters of the Armed Forces held a rally on October Square and then broke through the defenses of the White House. After Rutskoi’s calls, the protesters successfully seized the city hall building and moved to take the Ostankino television center.

   By the time the capture began, the television tower was guarded by 900 soldiers with military equipment. At some point, the first explosion was heard among the soldiers. It was immediately followed by indiscriminate shooting into the crowd, indiscriminately. When the oppositionists tried to hide in the neighboring Oak Grove, they were squeezed from both sides and began to be shot from armored personnel carriers and from weapon nests on the roof of Ostankino.

   During the assault on Ostankino, October 3, 1993.

   At the time of the assault, television broadcasting was stopped

6. White House shooting

   On the night of October 4, Yeltsin decides to take the White House with the help of armored vehicles. At 7 am the tanks began shooting at the government building.

   While the building was being shelled, snipers on the rooftops shot at the crowds of people near the White House.

   By five o'clock in the evening the resistance of the defenders was completely suppressed. Leaders of the opposition, including Khasbulatov and Rutskoy, were arrested. Yeltsin remained in power.

   White House October 4, 1993

7. How many people died during the October Putsch?

   According to official data, 46 people died during the storming of Ostankino, and approximately 165 people died during the shooting of the White House, but witnesses report that there were many more victims. Over the course of 20 years, different theories have appeared, in which the numbers vary from 500 to 2000 dead.

8. Results of the October Putsch

   The Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies ceased to exist. The entire system was eliminated Soviet power, which has existed since 1917.

   Before the elections on December 12, 1993, all power was in the hands of Yeltsin. On that day I was chosen modern Constitution, as well as the State Duma and the Federation Council.

9. What happened after the October Putsch?

   In February 1994, all those arrested in the October Putsch case were amnestied.

   Yeltsin served as president until the end of 1999. The constitution adopted after the coup in 1993 is still in force. According to the new government principles, the president has more powers than the government.

Some of them have already died. The majority still continue to crap. The time will come and popular punishment will overtake these degenerates. Everyone. And those who directly killed and called to kill...
________________________________________ ________

Yeltsin's executioners. Punishers of the House of Soviets.

1. Yeltsin’s “heroes” of October 1993 Leaders of the assault on the House of Soviets

The Minister of Defense directly led the storming of the House of Soviets P. Grachev(died), he was helped by his deputy. Minister of Defense General K.Kobets(died). General Kobetz's assistant was General D.Volkogonov(died). (According to Yu. Voronin, at the height of the shooting of the White House, he told him by telephone: “The situation has changed. The President, as Supreme Commander-in-Chief, signed an order to the Minister of Defense to storm the House of Soviets and took full responsibility upon himself. We will suppress the putsch at any cost. Order in Moscow will be brought in by army forces.")
Military units participating in the assault and their commanders:

• 2nd Guards Motorized Rifle (Taman) Division, commander - Major General Evnevich Valery Gennadievich.


• 4th Guards Tank (Kantemirovskaya) Division, commander - Major General Polyakov Boris Nikolaevich.


• 27th separate motorized rifle brigade (Teply Stan), commander - colonel Denisov Alexander Nikolaevich.


• 106th Airborne Division, commander - colonel Savilov Evgeniy Yurievich.


• 16th Special Forces Brigade, commander - Colonel Tishin Evgeniy Vasilievich.


• 216th separate special forces battalion, commander - lieutenant colonel Kolygin Viktor Dmitrievich.involved in preparing the assault

• regiment commander lieutenant colonel Ignatov A.S.,


• chief of staff of the regiment, lieutenant colonel Istrenko A.S.,


• battalion commander Khomenko S.A.,


• battalion commander captain Susukin A.V.,

• deputy division commander lieutenant colonel Mezhov A.R.,


• regiment commander lieutenant colonel Kadatsky V.L.,


• regiment commander lieutenant colonel Arkhipov Yu.V.

• Petrakov I.A.,


• deputy tank battalion commander major Brulevich V.V.,


• battalion commander major Rudoy P.K.,


• commander of the reconnaissance battalion, lieutenant colonel Ermolin A.V.,


• tank battalion commander major Serebryakov V.B.,


• deputy motorized rifle battalion commander captain Maslennikov A.I.,


• reconnaissance company commander captain Bashmakov S.A.,


• senior lieutenant Rusakov.

The officers who took part in the storming of the House of Soviets were paid 5 million rubles (approximately $4,200) each as a reward, riot police officers were given 200 thousand rubles (approximately $330) twice, privates received 100 thousand rubles each, and so on.

In total, apparently, no less than 11 billion rubles ($9 million) were spent on encouraging those who especially distinguished themselves - this amount was taken out of the Goznak factory and... disappeared(!). (At that time the dollar exchange rate was 1200 rubles.)

***

Yegor Gaidar and snipers in October 1993

A bloody massacre outside the walls of the Russian parliament, when on October 3, 1993, the “chief rescuer” Sergei Shoigu gave a thousand machine guns to the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Yegor Gaidar, who was preparing to “defend democracy” from the Constitution. More than 1000 units. small arms (AKS-74U assault rifles with ammunition!) from the Ministry of Emergency Situations were distributed by Yegor Gaidar into the hands of “defenders of democracy”, incl. Boxer's fighters. On the “pre-execution” night at the Mossovet, where Yegor Gaidar called on TV in 20:40, crowds of Hasidim have gathered! And from the Mossovet balcony, some people simply called for killing “these pigs who call themselves Russian and Orthodox.” Alexander Korzhakov’s book “Boris Yeltsin: From Dawn to Dusk” reports that when Yeltsin scheduled the seizure of the White House at seven in the morning on October 4 with the arrival of tanks, the Alpha group refused to storm, considering everything that was happening unconstitutional and demanding the conclusion of the Constitutional Court. The Vilnius scenario of 1991, where “Alpha” was dealt the most vile blow, as if a carbon copy, was repeated in Moscow in October 1993: http://expertmus.livejournal.com/3897... Both there and here there were “unknown” snipers were involved, who shot the opposing sides in the back. In one of the communities, our message about snipers was followed by a comment that “these were Israeli snipers, who, under the guise of athletes, were placed in the Ukraine Hotel, from where they fired aimed fire.” So where did those same armored personnel carriers with armed civilians (!) come from, which FIRST opened fire on the defenders of parliament, provoking all further bloodshed? By the way, the Ministry of Emergency Situations not only had “white KAMAZ” trucks from which they distributed weapons at the Moscow City Council, but also armored vehicles! A year earlier, on the night of November 1, 1992, Shoigu, sent by the same Gaidar (then acting prime minister) to Vladikavkaz to resolve the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, transferred 57 T-72 tanks (along with their crews) to the North Ossetian police.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gWd9SLa6nd8#t=24

Erin V.F.., Army General, Minister of Internal Affairs of Russia, one of the main participants in the October 1993 events.
In September 1993, he supported the Presidential decree Russian Federation No. 1400 on constitutional reform, the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council. Units of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs subordinate to Erin dispersed opposition rallies and took part in the siege and storming of the House of Soviets of Russia.

On October 1, 1993 (a few days before the dispersal of parliament by tanks), Yerin was awarded the rank of army general. He took an active part in the armed suppression of the defenders of the Supreme Council on October 3-4. On October 8, he received the title of Hero of the Russian Federation for this. On October 20, B. N. Yeltsin appointed him a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.
On March 10, 1995, the State Duma expressed no confidence in V.F. Erin (268 deputies voted for no confidence in the Minister of Internal Affairs). On June 30, 1995, after the failure to free the hostages in Budenovsk, he resigned. In 1995-2000 - Deputy Director of the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation. Retired since 2000.

Lysyuk S.I.., lieutenant colonel, commander of the special forces detachment “Vityaz” (until 1994).
On October 3, 1993, the Vityaz detachment under the command of Lieutenant Colonel S.I. Lysyuk opened fire on the people besieging the Ostankino television center, as a result of which at least 46 people were killed and 114 were wounded. On October 7, 1993, “for the courage and heroism” shown during the execution of unarmed defenders of the constitution, he was awarded the title of Hero of Russia. He does not hide the fact that the command to open fire was given to them, which he does not hesitate to talk about on television.
Now retired, promoted to colonel, he became president of the Association of Social Protection of Special Forces Units “Brotherhood of Maroon Berets “Vityaz”” and a member of the board of the Union of Anti-Terror Veterans.

Belyaev Nikolay Alexandrovich- Chief of Staff of the 119th Guards Parachute Regiment (106th Guards Airborne Division). Also awarded.

Shoigu Sergei- Yeltsin's faithful jackal! Regime collaborator. Currently the Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation.

Evnevich Valery Gennadievich. From 1992 to 1995 - commander of the Guards Motorized Rifle Taman Division of the Moscow Military District. In October 1993, he participated in the dispersal of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation; his division shot at the White House building.

KADATSKY V.L.., criminal, executioner 1993.Now V.L. Kadatsky is the head of the Department of Regional Security of the city of Moscow. Friend of S.S. Sobyanin

Nikolay Ignatov- killed Russian people with the rank of lieutenant colonel. Lieutenant General, Deputy Commander of the Airborne Forces.

Konstantin Kobets. Since September 1992 - Chief Military Inspector of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation; at the same time, from June 1993 - Deputy, and from January 1995 - Secretary of State - Deputy Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation. Died in 2012.

Colonel DENISOV ALEXANDER NIKOLAEVICH
27th separate motorized rifle brigade (Tyoply Stan).
1995-1998 - commander of the 4th Guards Kantemirovskaya Tank Division of the Moscow Military District; since 1998 he served as military commandant.

Colonel SAVILOV EVGENY YURIEVICH
106th Airborne Division.
In 1993-2004, he commanded the 106th Tula Guards Red Banner Order of Kutuzov II degree airborne division.
Savilov was awarded three orders and other state awards. In the period from 2004 to 2008, he was an adviser to the governor of the Ryazan region. By decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was awarded the honorary title “Honored Military Specialist of the Russian Federation.”

Kulikov Anatoly Sergeevich- Lieutenant General, Commander of the Air Force of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

On October 3, 1993, at 16.05, he gave the Vityaz detachment an order via radio to “move forward to strengthen the security of the Ostankino complex.” Witnesses-journalists (including from pro-presidential newspapers - Izvestia, Komsomolskaya Pravda) later said that armored vehicles of the internal troops fired indiscriminately at both the demonstrators and the Ostankino TV tower and surrounding houses. A. Kulikov himself claimed that “Vityaz” opened fire on the people led by General A. Makashov only after “Vityaz” fighter N. Sitnikov was killed by a grenade launcher shot at 19.10 and that government forces “...did not open fire first. The use of weapons was targeted. There was no continuous zone of fire...” According to the results of the official investigation, there was no shot from a grenade launcher at all (it was mistaken for the flash of an explosive package thrown from the television center building by one of the “Vityaz”). In the clashes at Ostankino, 1 government fighter, several dozen unarmed demonstrators, two Ostankino employees and 3 journalists were killed, including two of them foreign (all employees and journalists were killed by A. Kulikov’s subordinates).
As gratitude for the shooting of unarmed demonstrators, A. Kulikov received the rank of colonel general in October 1993.
Since July 1995 - Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, since November - Army General. Since February 1997 - Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation - Minister of Internal Affairs. He was a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation (1995-1998), the Defense Council of the Russian Federation (1996-1998).
It was under Kulikov that the internal troops in the Russian Federation grew to incredible proportions - more than 10 divisions, essentially turning into the second army of Russia. In the internal troops, according to some experts, there are only two times fewer military personnel than in Russian army, and at the same time, the financing of explosives is much more complete and better. As the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper noted (February 13, 1997), the fact that the “domestic gendarmerie corps” has grown to such proportions can only mean one thing: “our authorities fear their people much more than any aggressive NATO bloc.”
In March 1998, the government of V. S. Chernomyrdin was dismissed, while A. S. Kulikov was removed from all posts. In December 1999 he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the 3rd convocation, in December 2003 - as a deputy of the 4th convocation. Member of the United Russia faction. Since 2007 - President of the Military Leaders Club of the Russian Federation.

Romanov Anatoly Alexandrovich- Lieutenant General, Deputy Commander of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, torturer of prisoners at the Krasnaya Presnya stadium.
On December 31, 1994, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was awarded the Order of Military Merit No. 1. On November 5, 1995, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was awarded the title “Hero of the Russian Federation.” On November 7, 1995, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was awarded the military rank of Colonel General.
On October 6, 1995, as a result of a terrorist attack, he was seriously wounded in Grozny, miraculously survived, but remained disabled. Since then he has been in a coma.

F. Klintsevich

2. The bedding of the Yeltsin regime

Address by Grigory Yavlinsky in October 1993

Grigory Yavlinsky, founder of the Yabloko party, during the confrontation between the President of the Russian Federation and the Supreme Council in September-October 1993, he ultimately sided with Yeltsin.

The evolution of meanness. Ghouls of Ostankino in 1993

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3yIS7pHUJo0

TV SLUTS in 1993. About the events of October 3-4, 1993 and Yeltsin’s television coverage
The first episode shows what they are talking about now and what they were talking about on the eve of the execution of the Supreme Council and defenders of the Constitution in October 1993 by the following scum, inhumans and accomplices of the seizure of power in the country (that is, crimes without a statute of limitations, for which the death penalty is imposed even 18 years ago and now): Mikhail Efremov, Liya Akhedzhakova, Dmitry Dibrov, Grigory Yavlinsky, Yegor Gaidar.

Liya Akhedzhakova in 1993 about the shooting of parliament. The old witch is angry

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Iz8IX0XygI

The famous letter from intellectual bastards to the newspaper Izvestia - Crush the reptile! dated October 5, 1993 signed:

Ales ADAMOVIC,
Anatoly ANANYEV,
Artem ANFINOGENOV,
Bella AKHMADULINA,
Grigory Baklanov,
Zoriy BALAYAN,
Tatiana BEK,
Alexander BORSHCHAGOVSKY,
Vasil BYKOV,
Boris VASILIEV,
Alexander GELMAN,
Daniil GRANIN,
Yuri DAVYDOV,
Daniil DANIN,
Andrey DEMENTYEV,
Mikhail DUDIN,
Alexander Ivanov,
Edmund IODKOVSKY,
Rimma KAZAKOVA,
Sergey KALEDIN,
Yuri KARYAKIN,
Yakov KOSTYUKOVSKY,
Tatiana KUZOVLEVA,
Alexander KUSHNER,
Yuri Levitansky,
Academician D.S. LIKHACHEV,
Yuri NAGIBIN,
Andrey NUYKIN,
Bulat OKUDZHABA,
Valentin OSKOTSKY,
Grigory POZHENYAN,
Anatoly PRISTAVKIN,
Lev RASKON,
Alexander REKEMCHUK,
Robert Rozhdestvensky,
Vladimir SAVELIEV,
Vasily SELYUNIN,
Yuri CHERNICHENKO,
Andrey CHERNOV,
Marietta CHUDAKOVA,
Mikhail CHULAKI,
Victor ASTAFIEV.

Information sources.

In the fall of 1993, the conflict between the branches of power led to battles on the streets of Moscow, the shooting of the White House and hundreds of victims. According to many, then the fate of not only the political structure of Russia, but also the integrity of the country was being decided.

This event has many names - “Execution of the White House”, “October Uprising of 1993”, “Decree 1400”, “October Putsch”, “Yeltsin’s Coup of 1993”, “Black October”. However, it is the latter that is neutral in nature, reflecting the tragedy of the situation that arose due to the unwillingness of the warring parties to compromise. [C-BLOCK]

The internal political crisis in the Russian Federation, which has been developing since the end of 1992, resulted in a clash between supporters of President Boris Yeltsin on the one hand and the Supreme Council on the other. Political scientists see in this the apogee of the conflict between two models of power: the new liberal democratic and the moribund Soviet one.

The result of the confrontation was the violent termination of the Supreme Council, which had existed in Russia since 1938, as the highest body of state power. In clashes between warring parties in Moscow, which peaked on October 3-4, 1993, according to official data, at least 158 ​​people were killed, and another 423 were wounded or otherwise damaged.

Russian society still does not have clear answers to a number of key questions about those tragic days. There are only versions of participants and eyewitnesses of the events, journalists, and political scientists. The investigation into the actions of the conflicting parties, initiated by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, remained unfinished. The investigative group was dissolved by the State Duma after a decision was made to grant an amnesty to all persons involved in the events of September 21 - October 4, 1993.

Remove from power

It all started in December 1992, when at the 7th Congress of People's Deputies, parliamentarians and the leadership of the Supreme Council sharply criticized the government of Yegor Gaidar. As a result, the candidacy of the reformer nominated by the president for the post of chairman of the government was not approved by the Congress.

Yeltsin responded by criticizing the deputies and proposed for discussion the idea of ​​an all-Russian referendum on the issue of trust. “What force pulled us into this dark period? - Yeltsin thought. - First of all, there is constitutional ambiguity. The oath is on the Constitution, the constitutional duty of the president. And at the same time, his rights are completely limited.”

On March 20, 1993, Yeltsin, in a televised address to the people, announced the suspension of the Constitution and the introduction of a “special procedure for governing the country.” Three days later, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation reacted, recognizing Yeltsin’s actions as unconstitutional and seeing them as grounds for removing the president from office.

On March 28, the Congress of People's Deputies became involved, rejecting the project to call early presidential and parliamentary elections and holding a vote on Yeltsin's removal from office. But the impeachment attempt failed. 617 deputies voted in favor of removing the president from office, with the required 689 votes.

On April 25, a national referendum initiated by Yeltsin took place, in which the majority supported the president and the government and spoke in favor of holding early elections of people's deputies of the Russian Federation. Dissatisfied with the results of the referendum, opponents of Boris Yeltsin went out to a demonstration on May 1, which was dispersed by riot police. On this day the first blood was shed.

Fatal decree

But Yeltsin’s confrontation with the Supreme Council, headed by Speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov and Vice President Alexander Rutsky, was just beginning. On September 1, 1993, Yeltsin, by decree, temporarily suspended Rutskoi from his duties “in connection with the ongoing investigation, as well as due to the lack of instructions to the vice president.”

However, Rutskoi’s accusations of corruption were not confirmed - the incriminating documents were found to be fake. Parliamentarians then sharply condemned the presidential decree, considering that it had invaded the sphere of authority of the judicial bodies of state power.

But Yeltsin does not stop and on September 21 he signed the fatal decree No. 1400 “On phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation,” which ultimately provoked mass unrest in the capital. The decree ordered the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council to cease their activities “in order to preserve the unity and integrity of the Russian Federation; leading the country out of the economic and political crisis.” [C-BLOCK]

A coup was brewing in the country. According to political scientists, Yeltsin's opponents had motives for removing the current president. By the time the Congress of People's Deputies was dissolved, Khasbulatov had lost his constituency, since Chechnya had de facto separated from Russia. Rutskoi had no chance of winning the presidential election, but as acting president he could count on increased popularity.

As a result of Decree No. 1400, in accordance with Article 121.6 of the current Constitution, Yeltsin was automatically removed from the post of president, since his powers could not be used to dissolve or suspend the activities of any legally elected government bodies. The post of head of state de jure passed to Vice President Rutskoi.

The President acts

Back in August 1993, Yeltsin predicted a “hot autumn.” He frequented the bases of key army units in the Moscow region, and at the same time they increased officer salaries two to three times.

In early September, by order of Yeltsin, the head of the Constitutional Court, Valery Zorkin, was deprived of a car with a special connection, and the building of the Constitutional Court itself was cleared of security. At the same time, the Grand Kremlin Palace was closed for repairs, and deputies who lost their work premises were forced to move to the White House.

On September 23, Yeltsin reached the White House. After deputies and members of the Supreme Council refused to leave the building, the government turned off heating, water, electricity and telephone. The White House was surrounded by three cordons of barbed wire and several thousand military personnel. However, the defenders of the Supreme Council also had weapons.

A few days before the designated events, Yeltsin met with Defense Minister Pavel Grachev and Director of the Federal Security Service Mikhail Barsukov at the government dacha in Zavidovo. Former head Presidential security guard Alexander Korzhakov told how Barsukov proposed holding command post exercises to practice interaction between those units that may have to fight in the capital.

In response, Grachev perked up: “Are you panicking, Misha? Yes, I and my paratroopers will destroy everyone there.” And B.N. supported him: “Sergeich has fallen and knows better. He passed Afghanistan.” And you, they say, are “parquet people,” keep quiet,” Korzhakov recalled the conversation.

Patriarch of All Rus' Alexy II tried to prevent the brewing drama. With his mediation, on October 1, the conflicting parties signed a Protocol, which provided for the beginning of the withdrawal of troops from the House of Soviets and the disarmament of its defenders. However, the White House defense headquarters, together with deputies, denounced the Protocol and were ready to continue the confrontation.

On October 3, mass riots began in Moscow: the cordon around the White House building was broken by supporters of the Supreme Council, and a group of armed people led by General Albert Makashov seized the Moscow City Hall building. At the same time, demonstrations in support of the Supreme Council took place in many places in the capital, in which the protesters came into active conflict with the police.

After Rutskoi’s call, a crowd of demonstrators moved to the television center intending to seize it in order to give the parliamentary leaders the opportunity to address the people. However, the armed units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were ready for the meeting. When a young man with a grenade launcher fired a shot to break down the door, troops opened fire on the demonstrators and their sympathizers. According to the Prosecutor General's Office, at least 46 people were killed in the area of ​​the television center and subsequently died from their wounds. [C-BLOCK]

After the bloodshed near Ostankino, Yeltsin convinced Defense Minister Pavel Grachev to order army units to storm the White House. The attack began on the morning of October 4. The lack of coordination in the actions of the military led to the fact that large-caliber machine guns and tanks fired not only at the building, but also at unarmed people who were in the cordoned off zone near the House of Soviets, which led to numerous casualties. By evening, the resistance of the White House defenders was suppressed.

Politician and blogger Alexander Verbin called the October 4 action “paid for by the military,” noting that special riot police units and specially trained snipers, on Yeltsin’s orders, shot defenders of the Constitution. According to the blogger, Western support played a significant role in the president’s behavior.

The figure of Yeltsin as the leader of a state built on the fragments of the USSR completely tripled the West, primarily the United States, so Western politicians actually turned a blind eye to the shooting of parliament. Doctor legal sciences Alexander Domrin says that there are even facts indicating the Americans' intention to send troops to Moscow to support Yeltsin.

There is no unanimity Politicians, journalists, and intellectuals are divided in their opinions about the events that occurred in October 1993. For example, academician Dmitry Likhachev then expressed full support for Yeltsin’s actions: “The president is the only person elected by the people. This means that what he did was not only correct, but also logical. References to the fact that the Decree does not comply with the Constitution are nonsense.”

Russian publicist Igor Pykhalov sees Yeltsin’s victory as an attempt to establish a pro-Western regime in Russia. The trouble with those events is that we did not have an organizing force capable of resisting Western influence, Pykhalov believes. The Supreme Council, according to the publicist, had a significant drawback - the people who stood on its side did not have a single leadership or a single ideology. Therefore, they were unable to agree and develop a position understandable to the broad masses.

Yeltsin provoked the confrontation because he was losing, says American writer and journalist David Sutter. “The President has made no effort to engage with Parliament,” Sutter continues. “He did not try to influence legislators, did not explain what his policies were, and ignored parliamentary debates.” [C-BLOCK]

Yeltsin subsequently interpreted the events between September 21 and October 4 as a confrontation between democracy and communist reaction. But experts tend to see this as a power struggle between former allies, for whom resentment over corruption in the executive branch was a powerful irritant.

Political scientist Evgeny Gilbo believes that the confrontation between Yeltsin and Khasbulatov was beneficial to both sides, since their policies did not have a constructive reform program, and the only form of existence for them was only confrontation.

“A stupid struggle for power” - this is how publicist Leonid Radzikhovsky categorically puts it. According to the Constitution in force at that time, the two branches of government squeezed each other. According to the stupid Soviet law, the Congress of People's Deputies had “full power,” writes Radzikhovsky. But since neither the deputies nor the members of the Supreme Council could lead the country, the president actually had power.

Confrontation legislative And executive power in Russia ended with bloody events in October 1993. One of the main reasons for the conflict was the fundamental difference of views on the issue of socio-economic And political course of Russia. The government headed by B.N. Yeltsin and E.T. Gaidar acted as a defender of radical market reforms, and the Supreme Council of the RSFSR headed by R.I. Khasbulatov and Vice-President of Russia A.B. Rutskoi resisted reforms, opposing the market regulated economy.

In December 1992 V.S. Chernomyrdin

replaced by E.T. Gaidar as head of government. But the expected change of course did not happen; only some adjustments were made to the monetarist course, which caused even greater indignation among legislators. The political situation in Russia in 1993 became increasingly tense.

An important reason for the growing antagonism between the two branches of government was their lack of experience in interaction within the framework of the system of separation of powers, which Russia practically did not know.

The Russian president was the first to strike at a political opponent. In a TV appearance September 21 he announced termination of powers of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council. At the same time, the presidential decree “On phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation” came into force. It actually introduced temporary presidential rule and meant a radical breakdown of the entire existing state-political and constitutional system.

The Supreme Council, located in the White House, refused to obey the presidential decree and equated it to a coup d'etat. On the night of September 21-22, the Supreme Council took the oath of office as President of the Russian Federation Vice President A. Rutsky. On September 22, the Supreme Council decided to supplement the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation with an article punishing unconstitutional activities, failure to comply with its decisions and the Congress, and obstruction of its activities “up to and including execution.” On the same day, the White House security service began distributing weapons to civilians.

Over the course of 10 days, the confrontation between the executive and legislative branches of government developed increasingly. September 27 - 28 The blockade of the White House began, surrounded by police and riot police. On the night of October 3-4, bloody skirmishes took place near and inside the television buildings; television broadcasts were interrupted, but attacks by the Supreme Council detachments were repulsed. By decree of B.N. Yeltsin in Moscow was introduced state of emergency, government troops began entering the capital. Yeltsin declared the White House's actions an “armed fascist-communist rebellion.”

On the morning of October 4 government troops began siege And tank attack on the White House. By the evening of the same day, it was captured, and its leadership, led by R. Khasbulatov and A. Rutsky, was arrested.

As a result of the storming of the White House, there were casualties on both sides, and, undoubtedly, October 1993 became a tragic page in Russian history. The blame for this tragedy lies on the shoulders of Russian politicians, which collided in the fall of 1993 not only in fighting for their political goals, but also, to no lesser extent, in power struggle.

In September 1993 B.N. Yeltsin issued a Decree, according to which, in July 1994, early presidential elections. In the statement of the President of the Russian Federation dated October 8, i.e. After the defeat of the opposition, it was confirmed that elections to the highest legislative body would take place in December.