Dual power. February Revolution: briefly Reasons for the February Revolution

Reasons that led to the February Revolution of 1917

On August 1, 1914, the First World War began in Russia World War, which lasted until November 11, 1918, the reason for which was the struggle for spheres of influence in conditions when a single European market and legal mechanism had not been created.

Russia was the defending party in this war. And although the patriotism and heroism of the soldiers and officers was great, there was no single will, no serious plans for waging war, no sufficient supply of ammunition, uniforms and food. This filled the army with uncertainty. She lost her soldiers and suffered defeats. The Minister of War was put on trial and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was removed from his post. Nicholas II himself became Commander-in-Chief. But the situation has not improved. Despite continuous economic growth (coal and oil production, the production of shells, guns and other types of weapons increased, huge reserves were accumulated in case of a prolonged war), the situation developed in such a way that during the war years Russia found itself without an authoritative government, without an authoritative prime minister. minister, and without an authoritative Headquarters. The officer corps was replenished with educated people, i.e. intelligentsia, which was subject to oppositional sentiments, and daily participation in a war in which there was a shortage of the most necessary things gave rise to doubts.

Events of February 1917

Unrest in the army, village unrest, the inability of the political and military leadership to protect the national interests of Russia, which catastrophically aggravated the internal situation of the country, did not alert the tsarist government, therefore, the February revolution that began spontaneously became for the government and everyone political parties unexpected.

The first unrest began with a strike by workers at the Putilov plant on February 17, whose workers demanded an increase in prices by 50% and the hiring of laid-off workers. The administration did not satisfy the stated demands. As a sign of solidarity with the Putilov workers, many enterprises in Petrograd went on strike. They were supported by the workers of the Narva outpost and the Vyborg side. The crowds of workers were joined by thousands of random people: teenagers, students, small employees, intellectuals. On February 23, a demonstration of women workers in Petrograd took place.

Demonstrations that began in Petrograd demanding bread escalated into clashes with the police, who were taken by surprise by the events. Part of the Pavlovsk regiment also spoke out against the police.

The government did not give an order to open fire on the demonstrators. The Cossacks were not given whips. In various areas of the city, police officers were disarmed and dozens of revolvers and sabers were taken away. Finally the police stopped opposing the demonstrators, and the city was in their hands.

According to estimates, the number of strikers was about 300 thousand! In fact it was a general strike. The main slogans of these events were: “Down with autocracy!”, “Down with war!”, “Down with the Tsar!”, “Down with Nicholas!”, “Bread and Peace!”.

On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II gave the order to stop the unrest in the capital. The State Duma was dissolved. The secret police handed over dozens of addresses of active figures of all parties to the police for their immediate arrest. A total of 171 people were arrested overnight. On February 26, gun shots were fired into the unarmed crowd, which managed to disperse huge crowds of people. Only the 4th company of the Pavlovsk Regiment, stationed in the buildings of the Stable Department, refused to act against the people.

On the night of February 26-27, rebel soldiers joined the workers; on the morning of February 27, the district court was burned down and the pretrial detention house was seized; prisoners were released from prison, among whom were many members of revolutionary parties who had been arrested in recent days.

On February 27, the Arsenal and the Winter Palace were captured. The autocracy was overthrown. On the same day, the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of Petrograd was formed, and members of the Progressive Bloc created the Provisional Committee of the Duma, which took the initiative to "restoration of state and public order." Almost simultaneously with this, several people from among the left-wing intelligentsia called themselves the Provisional Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' Deputies.

On March 2, 1917, having learned of the opinion of the commanders of all fronts that he should leave, Nicholas II signed the abdication of the throne, making the following entry in his diary: “There is treason, cowardice, and deception all around.”

On the same day, at the request of the Chairman of the Provisional Committee of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko and with the consent of Nicholas II, L.G. was appointed temporary commander of the Petrograd District. Kornilov

Arriving in Petrograd on March 5, Kornilov, finding himself in such a high position in an extremely politicized city, showed his qualities as a politician. Demonstrative measures - the arrest of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and the royal children, the presentation of the Order of St. George to warrant officer Kirpichnikov, the organizer of the performance of the Volyn regiment in February, the purge of officers and artillery units, cadets and Cossacks, the most loyal to the government, as well as the development of a project for the Petrograd Front, in which was supposed to pour in the Petrograd garrison, demoralized and revolutionary, for ostensibly military purposes - the real steps of the district commander to calm the revolutionary city.

Dual power.

With the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne, the legal system that had developed since 1906 ceased to exist. No other legal system was created to regulate the activities of the state.

Now the fate of the country depended on political forces, the activity and responsibility of political leaders, and their ability to control the behavior of the masses.

1.3.1. Structure state power after the February events of 1917

Several political groups have emerged in the country, proclaiming themselves the government of Russia:

1) A temporary committee of members of the State Duma formed a Provisional Government, whose main task was to win the trust of the population. The Provisional Government declared itself legislative and executive powers, in which the following disputes immediately arose:

About what it should be future Russia: parliamentary or presidential;

On ways to resolve the national question, land issues, etc.;

On the electoral law;

On elections to the Constituent Assembly.

At the same time, the time to solve current, fundamental problems was inevitably lost.

2) Organizations of persons who declared themselves authorities. The largest of them was the Petrograd Council, which consisted of moderate left-wing politicians and proposed that workers and soldiers delegate their representatives to the Council.

The Council declared itself the guarantor against a return to the past, against the restoration of the monarchy and the suppression of political freedoms.

The Council also supported the steps of the Provisional Government to strengthen democracy in Russia.

3) In addition to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet, other local bodies of actual power were formed: factory committees, district councils, national associations, new authorities on the “national outskirts”, for example, in Kyiv - the Ukrainian Rada.”

The current political situation began to be called “dual power,” although in practice it was multiple power, developing into anarchic anarchy. Monarchist and Black Hundred organizations in Russia were banned and dissolved. IN new Russia two political forces remained: liberal-bourgeois and left-wing socialist, but in which there were disagreements.

In addition, there was powerful pressure from the grassroots:

Hoping for a socio-economic improvement in life, the workers demanded an immediate increase in wages, the introduction of an eight-hour working day, guarantees against unemployment and social security.

The peasants advocated the redistribution of neglected lands,

The soldiers insisted on easing discipline.

The disagreements of the “dual power”, its constant reform, the continuation of the war, etc. led to a new revolution - the October Revolution of 1917.

CONCLUSION.

So, the result of the February revolution of 1917 was the overthrow of the autocracy, the abdication of the tsar, the emergence of dual power in the country: the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie represented by the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which represented the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.

The victory of the February revolution was a victory of all active strata of the population over the medieval autocracy, a breakthrough that put Russia on par with advanced countries in the sense of proclaiming democratic and political freedoms.

The February Revolution of 1917 became the first victorious revolution in Russia and turned Russia, thanks to the overthrow of tsarism, into one of the most democratic countries. Originated in March 1917. dual power was a reflection of the fact that the era of imperialism and the world war had unusually accelerated the pace of historical development countries, the transition to more radical transformations. The international significance of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution is also extremely great. Under its influence, the strike movement of the proletariat intensified in many warring countries.

The main event of this revolution for Russia itself was the need to carry out long-overdue reforms based on compromises and coalitions, and the renunciation of violence in politics.

The first steps towards this were taken in February 1917. But only the first...

Related information.

The originality of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution was the establishment of dual power in the country:

bourgeois-democratic power was represented by the Provisional Government, its local bodies (public security committees), local government(city and zemstvo), the government included representatives of the Cadets and Octobrist parties;

revolutionary democratic power - Councils of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies, soldiers' committees in the army and navy.

During the transition period - from the moment of the victory of the revolution until the adoption of the constitution and the formation of permanent authorities in accordance with it - there is a Provisional Revolutionary Government, which is entrusted with the responsibility of breaking up the old apparatus of power, consolidating the gains of the revolution by appropriate decrees and convening a Constituent Assembly, which determines the shape of the future government structure country, approves the decrees issued by the Provisional Government, giving them the force of laws, and adopts a constitution.

The provisional government for the transitional period (until the convening of the Constituent Assembly) has both legislative, administrative and executive functions. This, for example, was the case during the Great French Revolution end of the 18th century The same path of transforming the country after the revolutionary coup was envisaged in their projects by the Decembrists of the Northern Society, putting forward the idea of ​​“Temporary Revolutionary Government” for the transition period, and then the convening of the “Supreme Council” (Constituent Assembly). All Russian revolutionary parties at the beginning of the 20th century, who wrote this down in their programs, envisioned the same way for the revolutionary reorganization of the country, the destruction of the old state machine and the formation of new authorities.

However, the process of formation of state power in Russia as a result of the February Revolution of 1917 followed a different scenario. A dual power system that has no analogues in history has been created in Russia.

As already mentioned, the emergence of Soviets - bodies of people's power - dates back to the revolution of 1905-1907. and is its important conquest. This tradition was immediately revived after the victory of the uprising in Petrograd on February 27, 1917. Already in the evening of the same day, the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies began to operate. He recognized the need to create district committees of Soviets and form a workers' militia, and appointed his own commissars to the city districts. The Council published an appeal in which it outlined its main task: the organization of popular forces and the struggle for the final strengthening of political freedom and popular government in Russia. On March 1, the Council of Soldiers' Deputies merged with the Council of Workers' Deputies. The united body became known as the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. In addition to the Petrograd Soviet, in March 1917, over 600 local councils arose, which elected from among themselves permanent authorities - executive committees. These were the elected representatives of the people, who relied on the support of the broad working masses. The councils performed legislative, administrative, executive and even judicial functions. By October 1917, there were already 1,429 councils in the country. They arose spontaneously - it was the spontaneous creativity of the masses. Along with this, local committees of the Provisional Government were created. This created a dual power at the central and local levels.

At that time, the predominant influence in the Soviets, both in Petrograd and in the provincial ones, was held by representatives of the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary parties, who were focused not on the “victory of socialism,” believing that in backward Russia there were no conditions for this, but on the development and consolidation of it bourgeois-democratic gains. Such a task, they believed, could be carried out during the transition period by the Provisional Government, bourgeois in its composition, which must be provided with support in carrying out the democratic transformations of the country, and, if necessary, put pressure on it. In fact, even during the period of dual power, real power was in the hands of the Soviets, because the Provisional Government could govern only with their support and carry out its decrees with their sanction.

At first, the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies acted together. They even held their meetings in the same building - the Tauride Palace, which then turned into the center of the country's political life.

During March-April 1917, the Provisional Government, with the support and pressure on it from the Petrograd Soviet, carried out a number of democratic reforms. At the same time, it postponed the solution to a number of pressing problems inherited from the old government until the Constituent Assembly, and among them was the agrarian question. In addition, it issued a number of decrees providing for criminal liability for the unauthorized seizure of landowners', appanage and monastic lands, and also tried to disarm and disband the revolutionary troops. In response, the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies issued Order No. 1 for the garrison of the Petrograd District on March 1, 1917. The order indicated the need to immediately elect committees of elected representatives from soldiers and sailors in all units of the army and navy of the Petrograd garrison. It noted that in all their political speeches, military units are subordinate to the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and their committees. The Council allowed the execution only of those orders of the Military Commission of the State Duma that did not contradict the orders and resolutions of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. The Petrograd Soviet established a procedure under which weapons of all types were to be at the disposal and under the control of district and battalion committees and in no case were to be issued to officers. By order, the soldiers were equalized in general civil political and personal life with all citizens: “In the ranks and when leaving official duties soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside of service and formation, in their political, civil and private life, soldiers cannot in any way be deprived of the rights that all citizens enjoy.” Dissatisfaction with the policies of the Provisional Government grew.

On March 29 - April 3, 1917, on the initiative of the Petrograd Soviet, the All-Russian Conference of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was convened, which was the first attempt to unite all the Soviets of the country. The overwhelming majority at the meeting belonged to the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary parties, which affected the entire work of the meeting and the decisions it made. The main questions at the meeting were questions about the war and the attitude towards the Provisional Government.

On the issue of war, the resolution proposed by the Menshevik Tsereteli was adopted by an overwhelming majority. The resolution advocated the holding of a democratic foreign policy and the struggle for peace by organizing pressure of all peoples on their governments to abandon aggressive programs. However, having proclaimed such a goal, the meeting put forward as the current task “the mobilization of all the living forces of the country in all sectors of people’s life to strengthen the front and rear.”

In the resolution on the attitude towards the Provisional Government, the meeting spoke out for its support, “without accepting responsibility for the entire activities of the Provisional Government as a whole.”

The Meeting of representatives of peasant organizations and Soviets of Peasant Deputies on April 12-17 (25-30), 1917, dedicated to preparations for the convening of the All-Russian Congress of Peasant Deputies and the creation of local Councils of Peasant Deputies, was of great importance in the matter of uniting the peasantry and their Councils. The meeting adopted a resolution on the need to quickly organize the peasantry from bottom to top. The best form for this was recognized as the Councils of Peasant Deputies of various regions of operation.

The All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Peasant Deputies adopted a number of Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik resolutions: it approved the policies of the bourgeois Provisional Government and the entry of “socialists” into the Provisional Government; spoke in favor of continuing the war “to the victorious end”, as well as in favor of an offensive at the front. The congress postponed the decision on the land issue until the Constituent Assembly.

The First All-Russian Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies played a well-known role in the life of the Soviets.

The most important and central issues considered by the congress were: about revolutionary democracy and government power (that is, essentially about the attitude towards the Provisional Government), about the attitude towards war, about land, etc. V.I. Lenin, speaking twice at the congress, exposed the imperialist nature of the Provisional Government, its policies and actions. He demanded the transfer of all power into the hands of the Soviets. On all major issues, the Bolsheviks defended the interests of the revolution. But the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik majority at the congress managed to carry out its decisions. Full confidence was expressed in the Provisional Government, and the direction of its policy was recognized as meeting the interests of the revolution. The congress even approved the offensive of Russian troops at the front, which was being prepared by the Provisional Government.

The dual power lasted no more than four months - until the beginning of July 1917, when, in the context of an unsuccessful offensive by Russian troops on the German front, on July 3-4, the Bolsheviks organized a political demonstration and attempted to overthrow the Provisional Government. The demonstration was shot, and repression fell on the Bolsheviks. After the July days, the Provisional Government managed to subjugate the Soviets, who obediently carried out its will. However, this was a short-term victory for the Provisional Government, whose position was becoming increasingly precarious. Economic devastation in the country deepened: inflation grew rapidly, production fell catastrophically, and the danger of impending famine became real. In the village, mass pogroms of landowners' estates began, peasants seized not only landowners' lands, but also church lands, and information was received about the murders of landowners and even clergy. The soldiers are tired of the war. At the front, fraternization between soldiers of both warring sides became more frequent. The front was essentially falling apart. Desertion increased sharply, entire military units were withdrawn from their positions: soldiers hurried home to be in time for the division of the landowners' lands.

The February Revolution destroyed the old state structures, but failed to create a strong and authoritative government. The provisional government increasingly lost control over the situation in the country and was no longer able to cope with the growing devastation, the complete breakdown of the financial system, and the collapse of the front. The ministers of the Provisional Government, being highly educated intellectuals, brilliant speakers and publicists, turned out to be unimportant politicians and bad administrators, divorced from reality and poorly aware of it.

Dual power is not a separation of powers, but a confrontation of one power with another, which inevitably leads to conflicts, to the desire of each power to overthrow the opposing one. Ultimately, dual power leads to paralysis of power, to the absence of any power, to anarchy. With dual power, the growth of centrifugal forces is inevitable, which threatens the collapse of the country, especially if this country is multinational.

In a relatively short time, from March to October 1917, four compositions of the Provisional Government changed: its first composition lasted about two months (March-April), the next three (coalition, with “socialist ministers”) - each no more than one and a half months . It experienced two serious power crises (in July and September).

The power of the Provisional Government weakened every day. It increasingly lost control over the situation in the country. In an atmosphere of political instability in the country, deepening economic devastation, a protracted unpopular war, and the threat of impending famine, the masses yearned for “firm power” that could “restore order.” The contradictory behavior of the Russian peasant also worked - his primordially Russian desire for “firm order” and at the same time primordially Russian hatred of any really existing order, i.e. a paradoxical combination in the peasant mentality of Caesarism (naive monarchism) and anarchism, obedience and rebellion.

The history of the state has never known such a unique circumstance that created the intertwining of two powers, two dictatorships - the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and bourgeois landowners, on the one hand, and the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry, on the other. Such an abnormal situation could not exist for long. “There cannot be two powers,” says V.I. Lenin, “in a state.” One of them must be destroyed, reduced to nothing.

By the fall of 1917, the power of the Provisional Government was virtually paralyzed: its decrees were not implemented or were completely ignored. There was virtual anarchy on the ground. There were fewer and fewer supporters and defenders of the Provisional Government. This largely explains the ease with which it was overthrown by the Bolsheviks on October 25, 1917. They not only easily overthrew the virtually powerless Provisional Government, but also received powerful support from the broad masses of the people, promulgating the most important decrees the very next day after the October Revolution - about earth and peace. It was not abstract socialist ideas, incomprehensible to the masses, that attracted them to the Bolsheviks, but the hope that they would actually stop the hated war and distribute the coveted land to the peasants.

• Klyuchevsky V.O. Works in 9 volumes. T.1: Course of Russian history. M.1987.
• Lenin V.I., Works, vol. 24, p. 40-41.
• Fedorov V.A. Op. op.

FEBRUARY REVOLUTION of 1917, a revolution in Russia that overthrew the autocracy. Caused by a sharp aggravation of the socio-economic and political crisis due to external defeats, economic devastation, and the food crisis. On February 23, anti-war rallies spontaneously began in Petrograd, caused by food shortages in the capital, some turned into mass strikes and demonstrations, clashes with Cossacks and police. On February 24-25, mass strikes developed into a general strike. On February 26, isolated clashes with the police resulted in battles with troops called to the capital. On February 27, the general strike developed into an armed uprising, and a massive transfer of troops began to side with the rebels, who occupied the most important points of the city and government buildings. The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was created, and at the same time the Provisional Committee of the State Duma was created, which formed the government. On March 2 (15), Nicholas II abdicated the throne. March 1 new government was installed in Moscow, throughout March throughout the country. Meaning: Elimination of the monarchy, formation of dual power.

No. 36 OCTOBER REVOLUTION (1917). The revolution, as a result of which the Soviet government led by V.I. Lenin came to power in Russia, occurred on October 25 (November 7), 1917. In September 1917, Lenin, taking into account the facts indicating that a national economic and political The crisis, which caused general discontent with the Provisional Government and the readiness of the soldiers and workers of Petrograd to overthrow it, decided that there were objective and subjective conditions for the Bolshevik Party to come to power. The party he led in Petrograd and Moscow began direct preparations for the uprising; the Red Guard was organized from workers ready to fight for the Bolsheviks. The headquarters of the uprising was created, the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee - the Military Revolutionary Committee. Lenin developed a plan for the uprising, which included the capture of key points in the capital by soldiers and workers and the arrest of the government. Not all members of the party leadership agreed with the decision to revolt. Members of the Central Committee of the party L.B. Kamenev and G.E. Zinoviev hesitated, but after lengthy negotiations they also joined Lenin. The superiority of the Bolshevik forces was decisive. All they needed was a reason to start hostilities, and they found one. On October 24, the head of government A.F. Kerensky gave the order to close Bolshevik newspapers. On the same day, in the evening, the forces of the Military Revolutionary Committee, encountering almost no resistance from the defenders of the Provisional Government, began to go on the offensive; on the night of the 25th they occupied bridges, a state bank, a telegraph and other designated strategic objects. In the evening of the same day, the encirclement of the Winter Palace, where the Provisional Government was located, began. The uprising developed almost bloodlessly. Only during the siege of the Winter Palace was gunfire heard and volleys of artillery thundered. Members of the Provisional Government were arrested and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress. The head of government, Kerensky, disappeared. The Bolsheviks went to seize power with the support of the workers and some soldiers. This support was determined by their dissatisfaction with the Provisional Government and its inaction in solving the democratic tasks unfinished by the February Revolution. The monarchy was abolished, but others life problems- about war and peace, about land, labor, national issues - all this was only promised, postponed “until better times,” which caused discontent among the broad masses. The Bolsheviks planned to seize power in order to begin to implement their plans for the reconstruction of Russia and the construction of a socialist state. The victory of the uprising did not yet guarantee the victors from the fate of the bourgeois government they had overthrown. It was necessary to consolidate the victory by resolving the issues that worried the people, which would convince them that the Bolsheviks were keeping their promises - to finally give the country peace, the peasants landowners' land, and the workers an eight-hour working day. This, according to Lenin’s plan, was to be accomplished by the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, which opened in Petrograd at the height of the uprising. At the congress, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries constituted a minority of delegates; the Bolsheviks, having a majority behind them, approved the uprising that took place and the arrest of the Provisional Government. The congress decided to take power into its own hands, which in practice meant transferring it to the Bolsheviks, who declared that they would immediately end the war and hand over the land of the landowners to the peasants. This was confirmed by the first legislative acts adopted by the congress - the Decrees “on war”, “peace” and “on land”. Thus, the Bolsheviks received the support they needed from the masses at first. The congress proclaimed the creation of the Soviet government - the Council of People's Commissars (Sovnarkom) consisting only of Bolsheviks, headed by V.I. Lenin.

No. 37 Culture of the “Silver Age”

This period is called " silver age"Russian culture", because it was characterized by a new flowering of poetry, music, theater, painting and architecture.

The science. V.I. Vernadsky created the doctrine of the biosphere. V. M. Bekhterev made the most important discoveries in the field of physiology, biophysics, and reflexology. N. E. Zhukovsky and I. I. Sikorsky made a huge contribution to the development of aircraft manufacturing. K. E. Tsiolkovsky creates works on astronautics.

Philosophy is flourishing. The result of the rethinking of the 1905 revolution was the collection “Vekhi.” ​​Its authors (P. B. Struve, N. A. Berdyaev, S. L. Frank, S. N. Bulgakov) condemned the intelligentsia for dogmatism, isolation from the people and incitement to revolution.

Literature. A new flowering of Russian poetry is coming. New directions arose: symbolism (A. A. Blok, V. Ya. Bryusov, A. Bely), acmeism (O. E. Mandelstam, A. A. Akhmatova, N. S. Gumilyov), futurism (V. V. Mayakovsky, D. D. Burlyuk, V. V. Khlebnikov). All of them are characterized by attention to the form of verse. New names appear in prose - I. A. Bunin, A. I. Kuprin, A. M. Gorky, L. N. Andreev.

Painting. Traditions of the 19th century Repin, Surikov, Vasnetsov continued. Representatives of Russian impressionism were V. A. Serov, I. E. Grabar, S. A. Korovin. N.K. Roerich, B.M. Kustodiev, A.A. Benois, L.S. Bakst united around the magazine “World of Arts”. The “Jack of Diamonds” society included R. R. Falk, A. V. Lentulov, P. P. Konchalovsky, the “Blue Rose” - K. S. Petrov-Vodkin, P. V. Kuznetsov, M. S. Saryan . Innovative artists - P. N. Filonov, K. S. Malevich, V. V. Kandinsky.

Architecture. The Art Nouveau style is spreading (the building of the Yaroslavl Station in Moscow, the Ryabushinsky House - architect F. O. Shekhtel).

Theater. The Moscow Art Theater and the Drama Theater in St. Petersburg appeared. The stage school of K. S. Stanislavsky emerges. The largest artists of that time were V.F. Komissarzhevskaya, I.M. Moskvin, M.N. Ermolova.

Music. Major composers of the early 20th century. - I. F. Stravinsky, A. N. Scriabin, S. V. Rachmaninov, singers - F. I. Chaliapin, L. V. Sobinov, A. V. Nezhdanova.

Development of art in Russia late XIX- beginning of the 20th century Russian philanthropists Mamontov, Ryabushinsky, Morozov, Bakhrushin, Nechaev-Maltsev, and the Shchukin family of manufacturers provided invaluable assistance.

Question No. 17 February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917. The formation of dual power.

February Revolution of 1917 On February 23, groups of people began to gather in different areas of Petrograd and demand bread. On the same day, spontaneous unrest began. Women standing in line shouting “Bread!” Bakeries and bakeries were destroyed. Crowds of people gathered. Flags and posters appeared with the slogans “Down with war!”, “Down with autocracy!” Tram depots stopped working, factories and factories stopped on the Vyborg side. On February 25, almost 80% of all workers went on strike, they were supported by students and employees. Tens of thousands of demonstrators, breaking through police barriers, holding red flags and singing revolutionary songs, moved into the city center.

On the night of February 26, the police arrested about 100 members of revolutionary parties. The State Duma was dissolved. But neither searches and arrests, nor the dispersal of demonstrators, nor even the supply of bread could save the autocracy.

By noon on February 27, about 25 thousand soldiers had gone over to the side of the demonstrators. This amounted to little more than troops and police concentrated in Petrograd and its environs. But this was enough to stop the revolt into revolution.

On the evening of February 27, about 30 thousand soldiers come to the Duma in search of power, in search of government. The Duma, which so dreamed of power, had difficulty finding the courage to create a Provisional Committee, which declared that it was taking upon itself “the restoration of government and public order.”

A few hours before the creation of the Duma Committee, the first Council is organized. He appeals to the workers of Petrograd with a proposal to send deputies by evening - one per thousand workers. In the evening, the Council elects the Menshevik I. Chkheidze as chairman, and left-wing Duma deputies A. Kerensky and M. Skobelev as deputies.

At a time when two authorities arose in Petrograd - the Committee of the Duma and the Executive Committee of the Council, Russian Emperor I was traveling from headquarters in Mogilev to the capital. Detained at the Dno station by rebel soldiers, Nicholas II signs his abdication from the throne on March 2. He makes this decision after General Alekseev, supported by the commanders of all five fronts, tells the Tsar that abdication is the only way to continue the war with Germany. Only two corps commanders (Count Keller and Khan of Nakhichevan) declared support for Nicholas II. The Duma Committee sent monarchists A. Guchkov and V. Shulgin to the Dno station to accept abdication.

Thus, with the general consent of revolutionaries, liberals, and monarchists, the monarchy fell in Russia. Russia became a democratic republic.

This happened quickly, in a way that was incomprehensible to the participants, with a small - by later standards - number of victims. During the February events, 169 people were killed and about 1,000 were injured.

On the evening of March 1, the leadership of the Petrograd Soviet proposed an agreement to the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, according to which it was given the right to form a Provisional Government.

The weakness of the Provisional Government, which manifested itself from the very first days of its existence, the lack of a clear program, and self-doubt allowed the Council to become the second power in the country. But the Council also did not have a clear line of behavior. On March 1, the Council signed the famous Order No. 1, which abolished traditional army forms of discipline and introduced elected committees in parts of the Petrograd garrison, which had weapons at their disposal that were not issued to officers.

The order was immediately extended to the entire Russian army, despite the Council’s explanations that it only concerned the rear units. Order No. 1 became the most important factor in the disintegration of the army, which the Council was counting on to continue the war with Germany, which did not respond to the proposal to conclude “peace without annexations and indemnities.”

Dual power.

A dual power arose in Petrograd: the Provisional Government, which had little real power, and the Soviet, which did not have clearly defined functions, but had real power thanks to its reliance on workers and soldiers.

On April 3, V.I. Lenin arrives in Russia. Nobody yet suspects the significance of this visit for the fate of the country and the world. The leader of the Bolshevik Party is surprised that he, who returned to his homeland with the help of the German authorities, is not arrested, but is solemnly greeted, including by representatives of the new government. Everyone, including members of the Bolshevik Party, was incredibly surprised by Lenin’s speech, who announced the need to begin a struggle for power.

The “April Theses,” the program that Lenin presented on April 4 at a meeting of the Petrograd Soviet, surprised everyone, including the Bolsheviks, with its unexpectedness.

The April Theses were a program that was both concrete and utopian. Specific demands - an end to the imperialist war, and for this - fraternization with the enemy, the confiscation of landowners' land and the nationalization of all lands with its transfer to the disposal of local Soviets - were sent to the Provisional Government, which, as Lenin knew, could not fulfill them. Therefore, the overthrow of the government was necessary.

The utopian part of the program - the elimination of the police, army, bureaucracy, payment to all officials, with the election and replacement of all of them at any time, no higher than the salary of a good worker - were promises from the future government.

Lenin, unbound by anything, obsessed with the desire for power, with a party that numbered 77 thousand members in April 1917, is opposed by the Provisional Government, connected on all sides. And first of all, because it is only half of the power, the other half of the power was the Council.

The Provisional Government was confident that there were no people willing to take power in Russia. Lenin's words were not taken seriously. Politicians are usually reproached for lying and hiding their plans. History demonstrates, however, that when politicians - Lenin, Stalin, Hitler - tell the truth about their plans, no one believes them.

The weakness of the government removed all obstacles to the revolutionary wave that was flooding Russia. The revolution turns into a rebellion, giving vent to centuries-old hatred accumulated among the people. And the more obvious the weakness of the government becomes, the stronger the rebellion.

In June, Minister of War Kerensky manages to convince the army of the possibility of an offensive. On June 18, Russian troops begin an offensive and achieve significant success. Rumors about strengthening discipline in the army cause anxiety among the soldiers of the St. Petersburg garrison that they may be sent to the front. Slogans for the overthrow of the Provisional Government found fertile ground primarily in the First Machine Gun Regiment, which was under the influence of the Bolsheviks and anarcho-communists.

Lenin did not object July performance and did not insist on its continuation when troops loyal to the government and the Soviet came to Petrograd. For Lenin, this was a rehearsal, a test of strength, a test of the enemy’s readiness to resist.

He had reason to be afraid. An important argument that convinced troops loyal to the Provisional Government and the Soviet to oppose the demonstrators were documents proving that Lenin and the Bolsheviks were German spies. JI. D. Trotsky will call July 1917 in his history of the Russian revolution “the month of the greatest slander in world history.”

The accusation of receiving money from the Germans gave rise to the Provisional Government's decision to arrest the leaders of the Bolshevik Party. Lenin understood the situation he found himself in: those arrested on charges of preparing a conspiracy against the government, and even with the money of foreigners, would most likely have been shot without waiting for trial, so he decides to flee to Finland.

The second coalition government, formed in July, headed by Kerensky, continues to postpone the resolution of the most important issues until the end of the war, until the convening of the Constituent Assembly. On August 26, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Kornilov, decides to intervene in events and sends General Krymov’s corps to Petrograd.

The bravest soldier, glorified during the World War, a man of democratic convictions, General Kornilov was completely ignorant of politics. Kornilov wants to stop the collapse of the country, restore order, strike a blow at the Bolsheviks - the main cause of the unrest, according to the general, but the effect of his actions will lead to the opposite results. The troops sent by Kornilov were stopped before reaching Petrograd.

Having learned about Kornilov’s speech, Lenin immediately gave a directive: to fight Kornilov, but not to support Kerensky, to take advantage of the situation and wrest from Kerensky as many concessions as possible, especially weapons for the workers. The revival of the Soviets that began after the “Kornilovism” allowed the Bolsheviks to once again put forward the slogan “All put it down - to the Soviets! But now they believed that the seizure of power by the Soviets meant the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat by armed means, in an open rebellion against the power of the Provisional Government.

The defeat of the “Kornilovism” led to a sharp change in the balance of forces in the country. The most active forces of the counter-revolution were defeated. Moreover, powerful damage was done to the prestige of the cadets, who in the eyes of the masses found themselves associated with the “Kornilovism.” Workers and soldiers rapidly became radicalized. Under the influence of these events, the Central Committee of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries opposed the participation of the Cadets and elements involved in the “Kornilovism” in the Provisional Government. However, most of the leaders of these parties were still against a homogeneous socialist government and were inclined towards a coalition with the propertied elements.

An unprecedented growth in the popularity of the Bolsheviks began. In August-October, the size of the party increased almost 1.5 times and reached (according to traditional estimates) 350 thousand. At the same time, unlike the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, the RSDLP(b) retained a flexible but unified organization.

In 1917, Russia was experiencing economic devastation. Large industrial production in the fall of 1917 faced the threat of complete destruction. Gross output in 1917 decreased by 36%, coal production fell by 24%, and blast furnace production by 50%. Transport was paralyzed, many railways were inactive.

The country was experiencing a financial crisis. By October 1917, the purchasing power of the ruble had fallen to 6-7 pre-war kopecks; Russia's public debt amounted to about 50 billion rubles, of which 1/4 fell to the share of foreign capital. The Russian economy could not withstand the unaffordable costs of the war.

Agriculture was in a difficult situation: sown areas were reduced, the gross grain harvest decreased by 1/3 compared to 1914. Landowners, kulaks, and grain merchants held back grain, waiting for an even greater rise in prices. There was a food crisis in the country, large cities were experiencing hunger, and food cards did not help: in Moscow they gave out 50-100 g of bread per person per day, in the Minsk province - 1200 g for two weeks.

As a result of the deep economic crisis in the country, the unity of large-scale production, exchange and distribution of products was disrupted, and natural economic ties between city and countryside were disrupted. The country experienced decentralization of economic life, disintegration into closed areas with primitive forms of economy and natural exchange of goods. Unemployment grew - more than 300 thousand people in the fall of 1917.

Of course, first of all, this state of the economy affected the position of the masses, who were experiencing real distress. Prices in the country have increased enormously (compared to pre-war prices - 10 times), and in September-October alone they increased 3.5 times. Real incomes of workers fell due to inflation to 40% of pre-war levels. The provisional government did not take real measures to combat the devastation, hunger, unemployment, financial and fuel crises.

The autumn of 1917 was characterized by a sharp increase in the discontent of the masses and the growth of revolutionary uprisings by different segments of the population. The most important thing is that the labor movement of this period took place under the slogan of transferring all state power to the Soviets.

The struggle of the peasantry for land acquired national, general political significance. It was a real peasant war with the landowners, the main form of which was

seizure and division of landowners' land and equipment (in September - about 1000 cases, the movement covered more than 90% of the districts). Peasant committees and Soviets decided to immediately confiscate the landowners' land. The provisional government suppressed the peasant movement, but in response, entire villages of peasants armed themselves. Soldiers went over to their side. This meant the final collapse of the illusions of the peasantry, the disappearance of trust in the Provisional Government.

Many military units refused to obey the government and command: in mid-September, 2 million people deserted from the army. Discipline fell sharply, anarchist protests grew.

The Provisional Government's tenure in power resulted in a series of crises. All of them were in one way or another connected with the question of peace. The war pushed the revolution, the revolution sought to end the war.

At the beginning of September, Russia was proclaimed a republic, but in the eyes of the masses this was a belated step. The Democratic Conference, convened, like the State Conference, on the basis of corporate representation (the difference was the exclusion of bourgeois parties from its composition), actually failed the coalition, which had to be pushed through by a strong-willed decision. The activities of the third coalition cabinet, formed on September 25, turned into a permanent crisis of power, marked by the creation of a legislative Pre-Parliament.

On August 31, the Petrograd Soviet went over to the side of the Bolsheviks, on September 5, the Moscow Soviet, and on September 8, the Kiev Soviet. Only from August 28 to September 1, 126 Soviets of the country sent a resolution to the Central Executive Committee demanding a decisive break with the government of the bourgeoisie. The workers made decisions on the re-election of the executive committees of the Soviets, recalled Menshevik deputies and replaced them with Bolsheviks. The slogan “All power to the Soviets!” was again put forward, which now meant the transfer of all power to the Bolshevik Soviets, in fact (in accordance with the goals of the Bolsheviks) the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Soviets turned into organs for the Bolsheviks to gain state power.

The Bolsheviks believed that in the fall of 1917 “a revolutionary national crisis had matured” and the masses were ready for a decisive assault on the old world. According to the party leadership, the task of practical preparation for an armed uprising was imminent.

February revolution in summary will help you gather your thoughts before the exam and remember what you remember about the topic and what you don't. This historical event was significant for the history of Russia. It opened the door to further revolutionary upheavals, which will not end soon. Without mastering this topic, it is pointless to try to understand further events.

It is worth saying that the events of February 1917 have a very great importance and for modern Russia. This year, 2017, marks the centenary of those events. I think the country is facing the same problems as Tsarist Russia then: the monstrously low standard of living of the population, the disregard of the authorities towards their people, who feed these authorities; lack of will and desire at the top to change something in a positive direction. But there were no televisions then... What do you think about this - write in the comments.

Causes of the February Revolution

The inability of the authorities to solve a number of crises that the state faced during the First World War:

• Transport crisis: due to the extremely short distance railways, there was a shortage of transport.
• Food crisis: the country had extremely low yields, plus peasant land shortages and the inefficiency of noble estates led to a disastrous food situation. Famine has become severe in the country.
• Weapons crisis: for more than three years the army has experienced a severe shortage of ammunition. Only towards the end of 1916 did Russian industry begin to operate on the scale necessary for the country.
• The unresolved worker and peasant question in Russia. The share of the proletariat and skilled working class has increased significantly compared to the first years of the reign of Nicholas II. The issue of neither child labor nor labor insurance was resolved. The salary was extremely low. If we talk about peasants, land shortage remained. Plus, during wartime, taxes on the population increased monstrously, and all horses and people were mobilized. The people did not understand why they were fighting and did not share the patriotism that the leaders experienced in the first years of the war.
• Crisis at the top: in 1916 alone, several high-ranking ministers were replaced, which gave rise to the prominent right-wing V.M. Purishkevich should call this phenomenon “ministerial leapfrog.” This expression has become popular.

The distrust of the common people, and even members of the State Duma, increased even more due to the presence of Grigory Rasputin at the court. Shameful rumors circulated about the royal family. Only on December 30, 1916, Rasputin was killed.

The authorities tried to solve all these crises, but to no avail. The Special Meetings convened were not successful. Since 1915, Nicholas II took command of the troops, despite the fact that he himself held the rank of colonel.

In addition, at least since January 1917, a conspiracy against the tsar was brewing among the highest generals of the army (General M.V. Alekseev, V.I. Gurko, etc.) and the Fourth State Duma (cadet A.I. Guchkov, etc. ). The tsar himself knew and suspected of the impending coup. And he even ordered in mid-February 1917 to strengthen the Petrograd garrison with loyal units from the front. He had to give this order three times, because General Gurko was in no hurry to carry it out. As a result, this order was never carried out. Thus, this example already shows sabotage of the emperor’s orders by the highest generals.

Course of events

The course of events of the February revolution was characterized by the following points:

• The beginning of spontaneous popular unrest in Petrograd and a number of other cities, presumably due to an acute shortage of food on International Women's Day (according to the old style - February 23).
• Switching to the side of the rebel army. It consisted of the same workers and peasants who keenly understood the need for change.
• The slogans “Down with the Tsar” and “Down with the Autocracy” immediately arose, which predetermined the fall of the monarchy.
• Parallel authorities began to emerge: Councils of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, based on the experience of the First Russian Revolution.
• On February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma announced the transfer of power into its own hands as a result of the termination of the Golitsyn government.
• On March 1, this committee received recognition from England and France. On March 2, representatives of the committee went to the tsar, who abdicated in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, and he abdicated on March 3 in favor of the Provisional Government.

Results of the revolution

• The monarchy in Russia fell. Russia became a parliamentary republic.
• Power passed to the bourgeois Provisional Government and the Soviets, many believe that dual power began. But in reality there was no dual power. There are a lot of nuances here, which I revealed in my video course “History. Preparation for the Unified State Exam for 100 points.”
• Many see this revolution as the first step .

Best regards, Andrey Puchkov